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I'he Purposes of tlie Republican Party Hurtful to the Rights and 

Interests of the People, and Most so to those of the North ! 

/ 



S I* B E O H 



Horatio Seymour 



At the Utica OrEKA House, 



WEDNESDAY EVENING, SEPT. 15, 1880. 



UTICA, N. Y. 
Grove & Bailey, Printeks, Observer Office. 
1880. 



7; 



i.* 



YIqbs 



The Purposes of the Kepnhlican Party Hnrtftil 

to the Rights and Interests of the People, 

and Most so to those of the North ! 



''It must not be forgotten that this Government is no longer the 
simple machinery it teas in the ecirhj clays of the Be2nibUc. l.hc 
hucolic age of America is over. The interests the Government has 
to deal vith are no longer those of a small ommher of agricnltiiral 
conimnnitlis, u^ith here and there a commercial toion. 2'hey are 
the interests of nearly ffty millions of people, spread over an im- 
mense surface, with occupations, p>arsmts and industries of endless 
variety and great -magnitude; large cities icith elements of pop)u- 
lation scarcely hi0207i here in the early days, and cdl these pro- 
ducing aspircltions and interests so ^>?y67t//<//, p>oicerful and 
complicated in their nature, and so constantly ajipcaling to the 
Government, rightfully or wrongfully, that the requirements of 
statesmanship demanded in this age are far different from those 
wh icli sufficed a century ago.'''' 

Those arc not my words. If I had uttered tliein, it wouUl he 
t'clt tliat I was making a liarsh charge against the Administration. 
They are the statements put forth by one of its oihcials, wlio 
speaks from liis experience as a member of the Cabinet, and as 
one who formerly had a seat in the Senate. This (U'rhiration, 
made by Mr. Schurz, is official in cliaracter. It will be so viewed 
in otlier countries, and will rejoice the enemies of our (loyern- 
ment, while it mortifies the American i)eople. The speecli from 
wliich this extract was taken was made as a leading one hi this 
canvass, witli a view of directing its discussions. It was received 
with api)lanse by the journals of tlie Republican party, and by 
leading members of that organization. Its startling declarations 
force upon our minds the question: Are the disorders, the ten\i>t- 
ations and the confusion which press upon our (Government, due 



to its character and structure, or to the manner in whicli it is 
administered? No other siibject so grave and so urgent is in- 
volved in the pending contest. If it is true that the difficulties 
in the way of an honest conduct of our affairs are so great, that 
there must be other qualifications for the Presidencj- of the United 
States than those of intelligence, honesty and patriotism; if our 
Government can onh^ be carried on by an exceptional man, who may 
not always be at our command, then we have undergone a revolu- 
tion. When we are told that a statesman is essential in the con- 
dition of our affairs, it disturbs our minds as Avhen we are told 
that a ]:)hysician of unusual skill is needed in our families. It 
means disease and danger. They are usually the words we hear 
but a little while before the crape upon our doors informs our 
neighbors of the sad result. If our Goverment is so incumbered 
with the confusion growing out of fifty millions of people and 
their varied interests and pursuits, it is clear that when that pop- 
ulation, within the lifetime of many before me, shall have grown 
to one hundred millions, and the complicated interests of our 
country are multiplied four fold, that our Government must be 
overwhelmed or there must be marked reform in its conduct. 
This is not a remote or uncertain danger. It is one that we must 
confront now; it already taxes our industry and endangers our 
prosperity. 

EVILS NOT DUE TO THE CONSTITUTION. 

Is this state of affairs due to the structure of our Government, 
or to the way it has been administered? Let us tui-n to tlie Con- 
stitution, which not only sets forth the powers and limitations, 
but also displays the genius of our social and political institutions. 
It is not only an expression of the public opinion at tlie time it 
was formed, but also the result of tendencies born ujion oui- soil, 
Avliicli s])i-uiig up A\ it1i the first settlement of the country. Tliose 
who gave it form did not discovei- its ])rincii)les; they acted under 
inlhieiu'cs g(Mier;ited by tlie condition of our jyeojjle, which grew 
ill i)0\vc:- until tlieygave shape to our Government. In the Gon- 
Aention there Mere able men who had theories which they urged 
with elo(juence and force, l)ut these were overcome by accustomed 
moihs of tliuiiglit and ;icriou wliirli wci'c iiati\r iicre, and whic-h 
still, in marki'd ways, display themselves in t)ur social structure 
and in itublic and i)i'ivate action. Tlie first settlers of this coun- 
try were tlirown U]ion their jn'rsoiial ell'orts for success. Tliey 



became self-reliant. The societies which grew up arouml tlicni 
were imbued with the same sentiments. When they united with 
others of a like character to form more extended organizations, 
each retained the usages and riglits which concerned themselves, 
and only gave to tlic larger organizations jurisdiction over mat- 
ters of common interest, each keeping their home rights and 
taking care of their home interests. The great truth that the 
spirit of our governments Mas of American origin, is shown by 
the fact that the several colonies, although founded under differ- 
ent circumstances, and in some cases by different nationalities, 
assumed common aspects, although they were separated by dis- 
tance. At the outset there was little intercourse between them. 
When the revolutionary struggle began, it Avas found that the 
Germans upon the Mohawk, remote from the English settlements 
and cut off from all communication by different language, had 
gained the same views that prevailed in other colonies. We must 
not, therefore, look upon our Constitution merely as an instru- 
ment devised at the time of its adoption, as a means of forming 
the Union, but as a result whose roots had struck deep into our 
soil, as the expression of living truths, and Avhich now exist in 
their full vigor, and which influence the social and political action 
of our people in a ineasure far beyond what is supposed by those 
who have not studied the sources and currents of public events. 
It is not necessary at this time that we perplex ourselves with 
(pu'stions about tlie way our Constitution Avas adopted. Whether 
it was formed by a compact between the States, or by the peojde 
in tlicir primary imlividual capacity, it is enough for our puri)ose 
that it is an indissoluble bond of union; that it makes a general 
o-overnment, and that it recognizes the rights of States and of 
))ersons; that all of these are equally sacred; the dissolution of 
the Union, destruction of States, usurpation of poAver, or the 
Aviping out of lines Avhich limit tlieir respective jurisdictions, 
would each be equally revolutionary and disastrous. AVIii'u we 
read the Constitution, Ave find it makes the most conservative gov- 
erinnent in existence; that beyond any other system it protects 
the rights of persons and of minorities. It measures out with 
cui-eful terms the jurisdiction of Congress. It gives to each citi- 
zen riyhts of person, of property, of conscience and of speech, so 
well uuanletl that a single man may, with regard to them, defy 
the Government, although it may act under the impul^ses of every 
citizen but himself. It places the I'resident and Congress and 



States under the supervision of the Jiicliciar}'. This is to act as 
an impartial arbiter betAveen them, and upon all questions which 
concern the jurisdiction or the rights of cither. This method of 
defining and securing the rights of all the departments and the 
liberties of the people, is unknown elsewhere iu the world's his- 
tory. Even in Britain, proud of Avliat it calls its constitutional law 
and of the protection which is thrown around its citizens. Parlia- 
ment can, if it will, unjustly destroy life, liberty and property; 
there is no power to resist its decrees. The judiciary itself is but 
an instrument to carry out its decrees, however destructive of 
what they term their constitutional principles. Here, an uncon- 
stitutional laAV is a dead law. 

DISTRIBUTION OF POLITICAL POWERS. 

But it is in the distributions of political power, that the con- 
servatism of our Government is shown in the strongest light. To 
save the different States and sections from the calamities which 
would follow legislation affecting subjects or communities with 
regard to which the Congress cannot be duly intelligent, the 
great questions of social order and safety, of intelligence and 
virtue, are left to the control of the local authorities. Passing 
from smaller divisions up to State Governments, we find as a rule 
that they are under many restraints as to their jurisdiction over 
their towns and counties. The spirit of our people, which had 
its origin in self-reliance growing out of the conditions of the 
iirst settlements, instead of waning, grows stronger. Amend- 
ments are nu\de to State Constitutions, cutting oft" the j)Owcr of 
Legislatures to act upon local subjects, and referring them to 
the communities most intelligent with regard to them, and most 
interested iu tlieir wise and honest management. EveryAvhere 
we see proofs of this growing feeling to keep political affairs 
under the eyes and control of those Avho have the deepest interest 
in their successful conduct. This recognition of the value of dis- 
tribution of political power, of the desire to keep it from concen- 
trating at one point, or preventing any of its governments from 
absorbing or usurping more tlian Avas demanded liy tlie objects 
for Avliich it Avas formed, is seen in every provision of tlie Consti- 
tution. When, therefore, (juestions arise as to the authority of 
tlie General Government, they slionld be decided by tlie letter of 
tlie law. Tf this does not solve the problems, they should be 



turned over to tlie State authorities, if they are eompetent to ilral 
Avith them. Instead of tliis rule, we find a disposition to disre- 
gard its spirit, and if i)Ossil)le to torture its language in ways to 
give power to Congress whieh is hurtful to the people, injurious 
to tlie morals of the legislators, corruitting otfioials, and, in the 
language of Mr. Schurz, surrounding the Capitol of the Union hy 
"all those producing aspirations and interests, so pushing, power- 
ful and complicated in their nature, and so constantly appealing 
to the Government, rightfully or wrongfully, that the require- 
ments of statesmanship demanded in this ago arc different from 
those which sufficed a century ago." 

ABUSES CAUSED BY THE REPUBLICANS. 

Here, then, we find the sources of the evils and ahuses which 
aiHict our General Government, and through it the people of this 
country. Until Avithin the past twenty years, the Executive, the 
Legislative, the Judicial Departments, gave honest constru(!tion 
to the Constitution. They did not seek to usurp power by strained 
definition. They sought to carry out its spirit. They did not 
summon crowds of men with schemes, w^lio Avere pushing, right- 
fully or wrongfully, to get at the public treasury, hy calling this 
a Nation, and teaching the false doctrine that Ave shouM folloAV 
the usages of other and not the constitutional laAv of our own 
Government. 

WHAT DO REPUBLICAN OFFICIALS PROPOSE ? 

As to the evils, corruptions and abuses Avhich are set forth by 
Mr. Schurz, let ns see the positions held by leading Republicans 
Avith regard to them. What are those doing Avho have been 
entrusted with the duties of administration and Avho seek to hold 
poAVcr ? We have seen that the metliods of those Avho have con- 
trolled public affairs, and not the Constitution of the United States, 
have caused the dangers AA'hich threaten us. In the first place, 
the candidate of the Republican party openly exi)ressed his joy 
that Congress has thus enlarged its jurisdiction, and, to use his 
OAvn phrase, he is glad '■Hhat it gravitates tcmards more poicer.^'' 
He not only Avishes the Government to gain this, but he is willing 
that it should do so by indirection and subtle construction. He 
docs not say, as he should do, if he seeks a change in the charac- 
ter of our Government, that it should be made by open and direct 



aiiiciidinoiits, but lie tries to bring it al)Out by the use of doubtful 
plirascs. I speak particularly about his position, as he is now the 
exponent of the great party which has placed him in nomination 
for the Presidency. The leaders in the canvass on that side are 
those who hold places as Senators or as Cabinet Ministers, or im- 
portant positions under the present Administration. All of them, 
in fact and in some form, ask that their ]iowers should be increased 
by taking from the people some of their iiome rights. They say, 
in effect, give to us your rights of making laws for yourselves; 
\vc can take care of your interests better than you can. Every 
demand for jurisdiction for the General Government is a demand 
for the surrender of riglits by the people in their tOAvns, their 
counties or their States. Mr. Garfield openly expresses his satis- 
faction and his desire, if he is elected President, that the Govern- 
ment should have more power than it had when Washington 
and Adams and Jefferson and Jackson filled the executive chair. 
He says there has been a gain, and that there will be more by 
force of gravitation ; not by the popular will, not by changes in the 
Constitution in a regular way, but that authority, patronage and 
power Avill add to themselves; will by their own weight increase 
and grow, until they are up to the full measure of his desires. 
He rejoices to see this done in a way against which George 
Washington warned you in his farewell address, which was sub- 
mitted to Alexander Hamilton and other statesmen before he 
gave it to the American people: 

"It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free 
country, should inspire caution in those intrusted wdth its admin - 
tration to confine themselves within their resj^ective constitutional 
spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one depart- 
ment, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment 
tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, 
and thus to create, whatever tlie form of government, a real des- 
potism. A just estimate of that love of power and proneness to 
abuse it which predominates in the human Iieart, is sufficient to 
satisfy us of the truth of tiiis position. The necessity of recip- 
rocal cliecks in tlie excicisc of political power, by dividing and 
distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each 
the guardian of the public weal, against in\ asion I)y the others, 
has been evinced by expei'iments, ancient and modern; some of 
them in our own country and \inder our own eyes. To preserve 
tlicm must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion 



of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitu- 
tional poAvers 1)0, in any particular, wrong, let it be corrected by 
an amendment in the way the Constitution designates. But let 
there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one in- 
stance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon 
by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must 
always greatly overbalance, in permanent evil, any partial or 
transient benefit which the use can, at any time, yield." 

If I had not stated that these wei'e the words of Georere 
Washington, it would be thought I was indulging in a personal 
attack on Mr. Gai-field, so severe are they upon his methods and 
the precedents he would make. Prominent as a Republican leader 
is Mr. Schurz. When he told of the state of affairs at Washing- 
ton, Ave looked for a demand for strong and stern dealings Avith 
public evils. But he glides off into a suggestion more hurtful to 
Mr. Garfield in the minds of thoughtful men than any attack 
made upon him by his j^olitical opponents. lie intimates that as 
Mr. Garfield has been at Washington where these corruptions 
liaA'c grown up, that he has become a statesman, and is the best 
man to deal with them. 

Another member of the Cabinet, Mr. Sherman, Secretary of the 
Treasury, takes a different view of the state of affairs from that 
given by his colleague. He dAvells upon the business prosperity 
of our country. Overlooking the industry of our people, the 
favorable seasons that have rewarded their labors Avith ample 
liarA-ests, the demands for our products from other countries, he 
claims for the Administration the gratitude of our people for all 
their blessings. I haA^e no unkindly feeling for Mr. Sherman; I 
regret that he does himself a wrong when he is ungrateful to God 
and unjust to the laborer of the land. It was not the statesman- 
ship of the cabinet, but the statesmanship of the plow, blessed 
by a fruitful season, that gives us our growing wealth. Not the 
skill of the Treasury Department, but of mechanics and manu- 
facturers, that make the springs of our prosperity; not the talk in 
Congress, but the toil of labor in all its varied fields. In another 
respect he does himself a wrong. He does not warn our people 
of the danger Avhich the change of seasons may make. He does 
not, as he should, admonish them that at this time, when money 
is abundant, men should throw off the burdens of debt and extri- 
cate themselves from positions of peril if times should change. 
B 



10 

He teaches the false and mischievous doctrine that government 
policies and not honest toil and frugal care; that the schemes of 
the brain, not the sweat of the brow, give competence to men. 
Much has been said about the absurdity of fiat money. How 
much more absurd are Mr. Sherman's teachings of fiat prosperity ? 
In this direction Mr. Sherman oustrips Denis Kearney. 

NATIONALISM. 

The points most conspicuous in the speeches and journals of 
the Republican party, are, first, that this is a Nation, and next, 
this election is a contest between the Northern and Southern 
States, in which a victory Avill be a great gain to the former party. 
We charge that the denunciations of the South are used to mask 
their designs to get jurisdiction over all the Union, and mainly 
over the interests and people of the North, as they are the most 
important and varied; that the term Nation is selected because it 
is a word of obscure and indefinite meaning, and if it is substi- 
tuted for the legal and proper title of Government, it will enable 
them to make changes in its character hurtful to the rights of the 
people and disastrous to the prosperity of their business and in- 
dustrial pursuits; that the mischiefs it will create will not be for 
the remote future, but that they are pressing upon us now, and 
will be felt in their full force from this time on, unless they are 
averted by the results of the pending election. 

It is a marked and conspicuous fact in the political discussions 
of the past four years, that the Republican leaders have sought 
to bring into use the words Nation and Nationalism when speak- 
ing of our country. These have been heretofore used without 
any special significance, as terms generally applied to different 
divisions of the human race into communities governed by some 
forms of law, and in this sense we have used it to avoid the repe- 
tition of the term Union, United States or General Government. 
But they have now been made the shibboleths of the Republican 
party, and of all who have schemes for wliich they wish to gain 
public support at the seat of government. While the men who 
use these terms never define them, their very obscurity serves the 
purpose of covering their ultimate objects, and at the same time 
allowing all who have political theories inconsistent with our 
Constitution to feel that they favor their views. In its primary 
sense, the word Nation means those of common origin, and ap- 



11 

plies most aptly to the smaller divisions of tribes or of those of 
common lineages. In this more correct significance, it is certainly 
not api)licable to our country, whose population is made up of 
mixed races from all quarters of the world. In its more common 
use, it signifies political divisions ranging from the lowest to the 
most elevated political organiz:ition. When, therefore, it is said 
we are a Nation, the term gives no idea of the character of our 
own (Tovernment, but it leaves every one to infer Avhat he pleases 
of its significance. Obscure and unmeaning as it is, it was 
adopted, with the solemnity of a Congressional resolution, as a 
term which told of the power of our General Government. In 
187G, a resolution was offered, which declared, among other 
things, that the people of the United States constitute one Na- 
tion. All of the Republican members voted for this, as if it 
threw some light upon the character of our Union. So far is it 
from doing this, that it simply tends to make that obscure which 
Avas clearly stated in our Constitution. There is something in the 
words United States, the Union, the General Government, which 
is in conflict with the purposes of Mr. Garfield and his friends. 
Tliey do not tell us distinctly what they aim at, but Ave find that 
all those who seek for more jurisdiction use the term Nation or 
Nationality w^henever they have occasion to speak of the juris- 
diction at Washington. We always find that the men avIio use 
the word, and many, like Senator Blaine, love to call it a Sover- 
eign Nation, are in favor of a different construction of the Con- 
stitution than has heretofore prevailed. Mr. Garfield openly 
states this, when he says the views held by Mr. Hamilton are 
growing in strength, and he rejoices that our Government is 
gravitating to more poAver. We find, too, that they favor the 
plans of the same distinguished statesman of gaining jurisdiction 
by constructions put upon the Avords of the Constitution. As 
they do not like, at this moment, to develop all their plans, Avhich 
Avould excite alarm particularly at the North, to mask their jtur- 
poses and to divert attention by exciting passions and prejudices, 
they use the Avord as far as they can in connection Avith sectional 
controversies, so that it may be felt they only have in vIoav the 
strength of the Union. It is this idea Avhich gives their phrases 
a measure of favor Avith the Republican party. They also take 
great pains in their discussions to carry the idea that Nationality 
means something favorable to the interests of the North. AVc 
charge that the purposes of the Republicans leaders are in con- 



12 

flict with the Constitution; that they endanger the peace, the 
order and the safety of the Union. They draw to the National 
Capital hoards of men who have selfish and corrupt objects, who 
tempt officials to violate duty from motives of ambition and greed 
for gold. They impair tlie interests and prosperity of different 
sections of our Union, by law^s framed by men ignorant of the 
subjects upon which they act, and by legislation not only in con- 
flict with the letter of the Constitution, but with its sj)irit and 
tlie genius of all our political institutions, both local and general. 
I have already briefly sketched the history and features of the 
Constitution. I have set forth, in the language of Mr. Schurz, 
the evils which now jDrevail about the Capitol, growing out of the 
various and complicated subjects w^hich are improperly carried 
there for legislation. I have stated that the Republican leaders 
seek to increase this evil state of things, by widening the juris- 
diction still more, so that the increase of our poinilation, the 
growtli of its business interests, so far from giving to us greater 
security, will only create more complication, more disorder, more 
difliculties. We charge that those who seek covertly to bring 
about those results are animated by selfish purposes of ambition, 
love of power or lust for gain, which make them indifferent to 
future consequences if they can reach the object of their desires. 
Beyond the reasons founded upon the character of our political 
institutions, I wish to present to you some of the results of this 
Nationalism, so that you may see and feel that it is a present in- 
jury, and not merely a remote danger, which we fear in view of 
our political theories. 

REPUBLICAN DEMANDS HURT THE NORTH. 

When we give jurisdiction to the General Government, we take 
it from the people, acting in one and give it to them in another 
relationship: from the people as citizens of States to the people 
a* citizens of the Union. Tliese relationships differ in purposes 
and in forms of action; and the question about the Avisdom of 
placing powers with each organization, should be governed by the 
fact which will be most beneficial to the public. When the Union 
was formed, the small States feared that the larger would use 
their power to meddle with home and local interests. To allay 
these fears, the Senate Avas organized in a way which gives to the 
minority a disproportionate representation. This was wise as a 



13 

measure of defense to the small States. It is full of danger when 
it is changed into a power to harm the majority, or to exercise 
jurisdiction not granted by the Constitution, or not demanded for 
the purposes of the Union. We charge that the Republican 
leaders seek to gain personal power when they induce the Gen- 
eral Government to do this injustice to the majority of the 
people. In many ways they wrong them now by this policy. To 
keep this truth from the public, they try to excite sectional pas- 
sions and hates. .They have impressed their followers with the 
idea that all jurisdictions given to the General Government are 
advantages gained over the South; that in some Avay they make 
our Union more strong and lasting. Tliis is the reverse of the 
truth. They will harm the people of all the States, and most of 
all those of the North. They will weaken the bonds of the 
Union, because they lessen its beneficence. Why, then, is Na- 
tionality urged upon us ! I will tell you. To Mr. Garfield, and 
to other oflficials, it is pleasant and profitable. It gives to them 
power and patronage, and ministers to their ambitious views. 

They hold ofiices which gain importance with every increase of 
power by the General Government. The Senate is now the con- 
trolling branch. The civil list has swollen to more than seventy 
thousand, not including soldiers or sailors. This array mainly 
hold their place, directly or indirectly, by virtue of Senatorial 
confii-mations. The largest share of those who draw pay from 
the Treasury are confirmed by the Senate, or hold imder those 
who were made officials by its action. On the fourth of March 
next, Mr. Garfield will take his seat for six years as a Senator for 
Ohio. In common with others I have named, he seeks higher 
honors. To gain this, they all sacrifice the interests of the States 
to which they owe their political or personal fortunes. In the 
language of George Washington: 

"A just estimate of that love of poxoer and proneness to abuse 

which p>redominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us 

of the truth of this p)Osition.'''' 

Ambition dazzles the eyes of its victims, and blinds them to 

their own position. Influenced by passion for present gains, they 

dare not forecast the future. They seek to hide from themselves, 

and from their followers, the ends to which their pathways lead. 

We have only to interpret in plain words what tlicy say in obscure 

and double-meaning terms to sliow this. 



u 

Mr. Garfield and others say to the people of New York, Ohio, 
Indiana and other States, this is a Nation; it slioiild have more 
power; that they are glad to see that events gravitate towards it; 
that the views of Hamilton in favor of centralization were right; 
that senators and other officials should hold for life. Ask them 
if in the General Goveranraent there is equal representation ? if 
the people of their own States have power in proportion to popu- 
lation? — they must answer no! That in the Senate one-quarter 
of the citizens have more members than the remaining three- 
quarters, so that one-quarter can prevent the passage of a good 
law or the rej)eal of a bad one, when they are demanded by the 
interests of three-quarters of the American people. The major- 
ity, living in nine States, have only eighteen Senators out of 
seventy-six. If Mr. Garfield and the other officials are asked 
what the North is to gain over the South by increasing the 
jurisdiction of the Government, they will be forced to admit that 
it loses comparative power. If you press them more, and inquire 
which section will give up home rights and place the greatest and 
most sacred interests luider the control of this " Nation " with 
imequal representations, they must say the North. Then as to 
taxation, which section pays the greatest relative share? Their 
si>ceches in Congress prove that they charged that the North 
pays more than twice its real pi-oportion. It follows, then, that 
every jurisdiction that we are called upon to yield up beyond the 
requirements of the Constitution, is mostly at the expense of the 
North; and what is more, the increased cost is made a tax upon 
persons, pursuits, manufactures, and not on property; not taken 
from men of the largest fortunes, but the largest families. But, 
uro-es the Repiiblican orator, if the Democrats succeed they will 
pay Southern war claims, and this is said in the face of the fact 
that they seek to give the Government the jurisdiction to do this, 
while we try to keep it within its limits, and cut off its power td 
do anything of the kind. 

Why is it that men of ability, versed in the discussion of public 
questions, involve themselves in so many inconsistent arguments ? 
It is because the speeches do not tell what the speakers mean, 
that they seek to raise clouds which will mislead the iniblic as 
to the ends at which they aim. They are the inconsistencies 
which are always involved in covert purposes. 

It is also urged that the Democrats in power would do what 



15 

the Republicans have done. This is llic most severe charge 
brought against us. It is certain we can do no worse, and that 
we cannot do as badly without violating all our principles and 
pledges. On the other hand, the Republicans Mill violate their 
pledges if they do not do as they have done. In addition, "by 
gravitating to more power," in the words of Mr. Garfield, they 
must in its exercise add to the cost of Government, the injustice 
of unequal taxation to be imposed by a Congress where the States 
are unequally represented in its leading branch. 

Good Republican friends, we i)ray you do not indulge in sec- 
tional hates; but if you will be led into such warfare, at least 
look and see that you are to suffer more than those you seek to 
injure. Do not shut your eyes to tlie fact that, while the advo- 
cates of Nationality have much to gain, you have much to lose by 
their policy. You will find they are talking for themselves, and 
that the contest with the South is a feigned issue, under cover of 
which you are warred upon. 

Even Mr. Blaine, who represents one of the small States as to 
population, endangers the position of his constituents when in the 
Congressional resolutions of 1876, which he supported, he asserts 
" that the Constitution was framed by the peojile acting in their 
primary and individual capacity through their representatives 
thereto duly constituted." By these words he repels the idea of 
any agreement between States, or that these are in any way or in 
any degree parties to the Constitution. If they are not, he has laid 
the foundation for the argument that the people, in their primary 
and individual capacity, through their delegates duly constituted, 
can change the Coftstitution in the way they made it. They can 
do this without regard to States if these are not parties to the 
Constitution, for then thej^ have no right to comi)lain of anything 
done, although the Constitution is changed in any way set fortli 
in its provisions, or in any other way the people, " in their pri- 
mary and individual capacity," may see fit to take. Ncav York 
suffers most by the rule of Senatorial Representatives, but we im- 
plore the smaller States not to sanction such teachings by their 
Representatives. We want the Constitution as our fathers framed 
it. We pray you will not convert tlie unequal power you enjoy 
for defense into a power for offense. Do not tempt the majority 
of our people, living in one-quarter of the States, to assert equal 
rights of representation, by upholding the conduct of those who 



16 

seek to change the character of our Government in ways that will 
make your privileges unjust and oppressive to the mass of our 
population. 

THE INJURY WHICH NATIONALISM DOES TO COMMERCE 
AND TO THE PRODUCING STATES. 

It must not lie thought that the changes which men seek to 
make in the character of our Govei-nment hy tlie use of the words 
Nation and Nationalism, and l)y the constructions which they 
mean to put upon them, relate only to the theory of politics; that 
their influences arc too uncertain and remote to be of immediate 
concern. They affect us now. They not only threaten but work 
disastrous results to the commerce of our country, to the interests 
of the farmers of the Western States, and to the business pros- 
perity of the whole country. We know that cheap transporta- 
tion has led to the sale of our farm products in Europe, and has 
lifted all kinds of business from the depression which a short 
time since was felt by all pursuits. The ability to send what we 
make and raise to the markets of the world at cheap rates, is of 
more importance to the North than to the South. The products 
of the latter are of a kind that do not suffer from the competition 
of other countries. Europe must have the cotton of the South. 
Increated cost of transportation does not prevent their sale; it 
adds to their cost to the consumer. The farmers and manufac- 
turers of the North have to compete with those who make or 
raise the same products in the markets which we seek to gain. A 
small difference in the cost of carrying will prevent our grain 
and provisions from going abroad. But a few years since, these 
charo-es were such that we could not export 'many things which 
we can now sell at a profit. Whoever will examine the rates for 
carrying eight or ten years ;igo, will see how they cut off all sales 
in a large way to European countries. 

COMMERCIAL ADVANTAGES OF NEW YORK. 

This State has certain advantages given to it by nature — a 
grant for commercial prosperity set forth in clear Avays by the 
valleys, rivers and lakes of this continent. The Hudson gives it 
the only tide-way through the Alleghanies. From the head of its 
navigation, the valley of the Mohawk stretches westward until it 
reaches the margins of the jilains of the West, and the level of 



17 

the great inland seas of the interior of this continent. At the 
close of the last century, our citizens improved this natural route 
until it became tlie patlnvay along wliicli tlio peo})le of the At- 
hmtic States and Europe poured into tl\e West. A little later, 
animated not only by purposes to improve their own State, but to 
make a channel of trade whicli should give ])rosperity to the val- 
ley of the Mississippi, the ])eopIe of New York undertook what 
was in its daythe most bold work of internal communication then 
known. Carrying forward at their own cost and hazard its sys- 
tem of internal improvements at a cost of more than eighty 
millions, they gave prosperity not oidy to the State, but other 
portions of the Union. At lengtli railroads were introduced. 
Their many advantages led the i)ublic to think the usefulness of 
water roiites had passed away. Ibit it was found aft(>r a time 
that they did not in all ways servo the country as well as the water 
i-outes from the West, through the Great Lakes and our Canals, 
to the Seaboard. In 1870, eflforts were made to cut down the 
tolls of this State on its canals. This Avas gradually done to the 
extent of reducing them to one-sixth of their former rates, re- 
taining only enough to keep in repair Avorks that had cost so 
many millions. This liberal policy has proved of the utmost 
A-alue to the Avhole country. Not only has it cheapened transi)or- 
tation upon tlie canals, but it has reduced the cost upon all com- 
peting routes. When canals are opened, railroads reduce their 
rates; Avhen canals are closed, tlut raih-oads juit uj) tlu'ir charges. 
At no time iji the history of our country have these Avater chan- 
nels been of such benefit to the producers of the West, to com- 
mercial men, to mechanics and manufacturers, by making a de- * 
mand for their Avork. At this juncture Ave have practical i)roof 
of Avhat Nationalism means. For nearly a century, no (me 
doubted the exclusive control of the laAvs of our State over its 
own AVorks. ]iut Avithin a fcAV months there have been manifesta- 
tions threatening the A-ery existence of the canals of our Stat(% 
and denying its exclusive rights over the creations of its OAvn en- 
terprise, cost and public spirit. Tlie Avay jurisdictions creep along 
is shoAvn in a striking light by the judicial decisions and action 
Avith regard to our Avater routes. Less than thirty years ago, it 
Avas not thought that maritime law aj>plied even to our great in- 
land seas. There Avere many reasons in law and justice Avliy it 
should be extended to them. This Avas done Avith many doubts 
by a divided court. Since then jurisdiction has crept up our 
c 



18 

rivers, find Avith'in a few months one of the Courts of tlie General 
Government decides that maritime Law applies to the Erie canal. 
One step has been taken after another, until the judge felt com- 
pelled to take the final one and dccLare that collisions between 
canal boats were maritime affairs. I suppose it will soon be held 
that a tangled tow-line and vicious mules are dangers of the sea. 
I am not disposed to criticise judicial decisions. I regret that a 
question so grave and far reaching should have been decided 
upon a case involving only trivial damages, and in a case where 
this State had no one to represent its rights, or to speak for its 
claims growing out of its natural and acquired facilities for com- 
merce. I think all citizens of all parties will read with regret the 
single sentence with which the judge disposes of the rights and 
jurisdictions of one of the States which formed this Union, and 
which took a leading part in those amendments whicli limited the 
powers of the General Government and reserved to the States or 
the people thereof other powers. The following sentence is the 
only notice taken of the grave questions of the rights of New 
York: 

''^JSfor, as it scans to oyie^is there any force in the suggestion that 
this 2'>')'02yosilion intrenches upon the rightful power and jurisdic- 
tion of the State through lohose territory and by lohose kms in 
force for the time heing the canal is so op>ened and iised. ]3ccansc 
the exercise of this jurisdiction does not in any way, and in itself, 
im]»air or affect the rights of the State, whatever that right may 
bo, to with(li-:uv or terminate that dedication of its property to 
the i)ublic uses of commerce." 

We have the ]H)or consolation of knowing we can abandou our 
canals and dost r<\y the commercial advantages of the AVest and 
New York. This is an end aimed at by rival routes and rival 
i 111 crests. 

T dare say the decision will l>e upheld by what is hereafter to 
be known as the "National Judiciary," for so far it has never 
l.ikeii a steji backwards with regard to its jurisdiction. I do not 
<|uesli()u till- ability or integrity of its judges, but we must bear 
ill mind most of them have been selected from one party, during 
a period of ]>()lilleal exeilement. 

The effects of this decision threaten disasters not alone to canal 
commerce, but that of the wlioUs country. It is a grave evil 
when ;i jii! istliet i(»u is suddenly extended ovi'r great and varied 



19 

interests, where it lias lieretolore been uuknowii siucu the estab- 
lishment of our Government. It does not merely tiivi' itowt'r lo 
new Courts or only embarrass l)y itroeeedin^s with whiih business 
men are not familiar, but it makes a sudden c'hani;;e in ihc laws 
whieh alfeet rights and jjroporties. It is ti-ue that uur Courts 
retain a concurrent jurisdiction, but in case of dill'erenccs in con- 
struction of the law, they must yield to those of the (icncral 
Government. But maritime law now established thangis tlic 
legal rights of persons and of ])ropcrty. By the laws of this 
State, chattel mortgages can be made Avhich give liens upon boats, 
securing the claims of the holders. This has been of the utmost 
importance to the commerce of the canals. Many thousaiul boats 
are needed to carry the property through these channels. A large 
class of our citizens arc engaged in building them. They are 
sold to boatmen avIio are able to make a partial i)ayment, aiul who 
secure the balance by a lien until they are able, by their earnings, 
to redeem their vessels from such incundjrances. When they are 
thus paid for, they make securities by Avhich the boatmen <-an 
raise money needed for the prolitable pursuit of their business. 
The lien laws have been of great value to this commerce, and 
Avhen they are impaired, it is not only an injury to many thou- 
sands engaged upon our public works, but it ])ecomes a disaster 
to the whole country. By maritime law, certain claims can bo 
made by those in charge of vessels Avhich take precedence to all 
prior liens. For example, it has been held that if the person in 
charge, of the boat did not pay its towage from Albany to New 
York, it could be proceeded against in the Admiralty Court. 
In such cases the suit is against the vessel. Notice is usually 
given by some form of advertisement. If the lien hohler does 
not know of this proceeding, and the boat is sold, he loses his 
rights. A case of this kind is now actually pending in the Circuit 
Court of this district. The liability to have their liens destroyed 
in this way, impairs the security, and Avill cause serious end>ar- 
rassments Avith our canal commerce. It is a great evil, Avhen 
interests so great and varied are suddenly subjected to laws un- 
knoAvn and to proceedings unfamiliar to those engaged in tlieni. 
Nationalism will not, I think, be so i)leasing to our numerous 
Republican friends along the many huiulred miles of our canals, 
when they see it in this aspect, as it Avas when they thought it 
Avas something that gave them an advantage over their felloAV 
citizens of the South. 



20 

CONGRESSIONAL INTEllFERENCE WITH THE CANALS. 

But the evils of tlio decision subjecting our canals to maritime 
law does not stop there. It makes a foundation for a claim that 
Congress lias a right to interfere in their management. Other 
and rival States can thus, through the greater number of repre- 
sentatives at AVashiugton, interfere with rights growing out of 
the course of commerce through lakes and rivers and eauals. A 
movement in that direction is not merely to be feared, it has 
already been made. In March last, Senator Cameron, of Penn- 
sylvania, a distinguished Republican leader, offered a joint resolu- 
tion in Congress, that a Commission be appointed, to be made up 
of three Senators and three members of the House, to inquire 
what Congress should do with regard to transportation among 
the States by land or w\ater routes. He said : " The relations of 
the JVational Government to the internal commerce of this country 
is attracting a large share of public attention^ 

He asserts in terms that the Constitution gives to Congress 
" All the powers necessary to control in entire independence of 
" tlie States, the Lake service and the navigation of rivers." He 
also asserts that "the railroads and the canals, as highways of 
"State intercourse, have come as legitimately within the coni- 
" mercial power of the National Government as the rivers, the 
" lakes, and the seas." In speaking of transportation by canal, 
by lake or river, he says: "They are an essential element in the 
"rivalry, and no examination can be complete or satisfactory 
" unless it embraces the whole question of tlie internal commerce 
" of the State and the Nation." It Avill be noted that the words 
Nation and National run through the speech of Mr. Cameron, as 
they do through all the arguments of those who seek to give a 
construction to the Constitution by the use of vague and uncon- 
stitutional terms. What is the scope, then, of this speech and 
resolution? It means that Congress intends to seize upon the 
control of the free competing routes by lakes and canals. Now 
combinations for rates of carrying can only be formed by corpora- 
tions. The lakes, canals and rivers are free for the use of all, 
.and tliis fact has, by competition, kept down the charges to that 
degree that we are able to export our farm products to Europe. 
But there is a lurking purpose in some Avay to destroy this free 
competition. The plan shadowed out by Mr. Cameron calls the 
agents of the great corporations to Washington to be cxamiued. 



21 

They thus nrc to be Lrou_c?ht in contact with Congress, willi all 
their abiHty, knowledge and cajntal. We knoAV what that means. 
We know that Avhen a law is passed in terms regnlating them by 
Congress, that it means that they have regulated Congress. 
Under this device, a grand pool or i-ombination is to be formed 
into which carrying npon the lakes, canals and rivers arc to be 
forced by legislation, which is to regulate all cliarges. What 
Avill the people of the great States of the West, or business and 
commercial men in all jtarts of the Union, think of these phases 
of nationalism ? If the ]{epublican party succeed at this election, 
Mr. Gariield Avill point to his speeches, the Senators will refer to 
their action in ways like this of Mr. Cameron, and will claim that 
the public has indorsed their ^•iews of nationalism, and they will 
go on and assert further rights of jurisdiction. AVhere will the 
weight of this fall? Not so much on the south, with its agricul- 
tural })ursuits, and Avith jiroducts where tliey have a mono2)oly in 
the markets of the world, but upon the varied, extended and com- 
plicated piirsuits of industry and commerce of the Northern and 
AVestern States. Beyond this, as has already been stated, the 
cost of all their violations of the Constitution are to be borne, by 
the declaration of the Republican Senators, almost entirely by 
the people living at the West and North. 

now REPUBLICANS ARE MISLED. 

To make clear the truth that many Republicans arc sacrificing 
their owai interests and right while they feel they arc putting 
down the South, I Avill take up the case of St. Lawrence, the 
strongest Republican county in the State. If any amendment is 
proposed to the Constitution of this State, with a view of im- 
proving our canals, it is vehemently opposed by its peoi»le. 
When Congress appropriates much larger sums for internal im- 
provements in other parts of the United States, we hear no pro- 
tests. Let us compare the cost to them. Taxes in this State are 
imposed upon property. They are ])aid into its Treasury and are 
paid back to the counties about in proportion to the i)oi)ulation. 
Our canals gave to the city of New York and the towns along its 
lines their wealth. The taxes on this wealth lifts off the burdens 
from other parts of the State. The State tax for these purposes 
falls upon the wealth thus created. This helits to pay the taxes 
upon property at a distance from these lines, so that they gaiu 
from the prosperity of other sections. 



22 

But how is it with the millions imposed at Washington ? That 
is, in fact, upon population. The citizens of St. Lawrence would 
l»e indignant if it was said they were not up to the average con- 
dition of the people in this country. We find on the basis of the 
taxation of one million by our State for the bencht of its popula- 
tion, St. Lawrence w^ould pay about -^8,000. It pays to make 
internal improvements by the General Government, many of 
Avhich are designed to turn commerce away from New York, the 
sum of *24,000. 

To prove this statement that the taxes of the General Govern- 
nient fall more heavily upon the County of St. Lawrence and 
tipon the farmers of the State, than those imposed by New York, 
I (y'lxe you the following statistics: I take the records of 18'77, 
as I made some time since a table based upon taxation at that 
time. This State raised that year for the support of common 
schools, about 13,000,000. The city of New York paid more 
than 81,500,000, or about one-half of the whole amount. The 
County of St. Lawrence paid about ;^23,000. When the distribu- 
tion was made from the Treasury, it was according to population. 
The city of New York got back ^543,000, or about one-third of 
Avhat it had paid; the County of St. Lawrence received nearly 
$00,000, almost three times its taxation. Now this Avas right, 
because the canals of our State have built up the property along 
their lines and at their tei-minations. A million of dollars spent 
in u;ivino- one foot more of water to our canals Avould add to their 
value and would increase the wealth of the toAvns along theii- line 
This would help St. LaAvrence and other counties remote from 
them, by lessening their share of State taxes. But they make 
great opposition to this improvement, although they are to be 
thus benefited by the general prosperity. In the meantime, the 
General Government makes large appropriations for internal im- 
provements. Last year they were about -^8,000,000. One-tenth 
of the population of our country is in our State. We pay about 
one-eighth of the taxes. This is due to the fact that the climate 
and condition of the Northern States and its pursuits make them 
larf>-er consumers of articles upon wdiich the Ignited States raises 
revenues than upon the people living in the Avarmer South. I do 
not agree Avith the statements made by Republicans that the 
North pays almost all the taxes, but I think it is safe to say that 
our State pays about one-eighth. It pays, then, this year, about 
$1,000,000 to make internal improvements by the General Goa"- 



23 

Gvnmcnt, works mostly in other parts of the Union, some of 
•which are meant to turn commerce away from us and to check 
our growth in McaUh. As this tax is upon wliat men use for 
clotliing and other articles, it falls upon persons, not property. 
It is a burden upon the largest family, not the largest fortune. 
For this the people of St. Lawrence, in proportion to their popula- 
tion, will have to pay about !*5'24,000, or about three times as much 
as for a State tax, for they Avould be rightfully indignant if it 
AV^ere said their average condition was below that of the people of 
our country. Yet we hear no protests against this action by the 
General Government. The amount i)aid by our State would 
make the needed permanent improvements upon our canals, but 
the taxes by the General Government will be imposed every year 
and will be increased hereafter. To what is this inconsistency 
due on the part of the intelligent citizens of Northern New York? 
It is due to the fact that they are so largely Kcimblicans, their 
minds have been so inflamed against the i)eople of the South, that 
they have been made to believe that every jurisdiction they give 
to the General Government will harm those they hate, and will in 
some way help themselves. They have l)een so blinded by their 
prejudices, that they listen with favor to those sjieakcrs who war 
upon home rights, and they do not see that they, and not the 
peoj)le of the South, will be the victims when jurisdiction is taken 
away from their own State and given to ofiicials at the remote 
Cai>ital of the Union. They do not stop to think, that their own 
State has the smallest representation in the Senate of the UuIIcmI 
States, far less than those of New England or of the South. If 
Mr. Garfield and other IJcjuiblican ollicials should come befori> 
them and in plain terms tell what they sought ; that they want(>(l 
their heai'ers to give uj) their home rights and put tlu'ni into tin- 
hands of the speakers, and that these would tax tluMU more tlian 
they pay when the ju'ople manage their own alTairs, these speakers 
would be met with derision. Yet that is what they seek. Tliey 
hide their objects and make up feigned issues, and jiersuadt' the 
Republican i)arty that they are only conducting a contest between 
the Northern and Southern States. 

In the above statement, to make it clear, T have shown only 
the relative sums ])aid upon a tax of ^1,00(),()0() when imposed by 
the State or General Government. "NVe must bear in mind that 
last year the expenses of the General Government, after deducting 
all that was i)aid for pensions, or for interest, or principal of the 



24 

public debt, was more than $120,000,000. This was for the ordi- 
nary expenses of Government. This great increase of expenses 
has grown out of its increase of jnrisdiction over subjects Avhicli 
can be more wisely and economically managed by the poojdc at 
their homes. With all the confessed difficulties set forth by Mr. 
Schurz, growing out of the pushing and varied interests at Wasls- 
iiigton, and in tlic face of increased taxation, the Repnldican 
leaders are nrging more jurisdiction with more taxation and more 
confusion. The Avays in which the (Tovcrnment collects its reve- 
nues conceal tlicir full sums from those avIio jiay them, but they 
tell none the less in their results upon their property. You will 
find these taxes on the sugar in your teacup, in the clothing of 
your family, in the medicines of your sick, in the varnish on the 
coffins of your dead. By general consent, they are levied npon 
articles of consum})tion. This has the advantage of giving i)ro- 
lection to home industries, if it is not carried too far. If they 
arc made too burdensome, they destroy home productions, as 
they add to their cost. While we cheerfully pay in this way for 
all necessary objects of goverimient, we protest against making 
them needlessly expensive. Already the amount paid by New 
York for its support is about tAvice the cost of the State Govern- 
ment. In making this statement I do not take into account any 
sums for pensions, or for payment of interest and principal of tlie 
])ublic debt. The expenses at Washington, after making these 
deductions, are, as nearly as I can learn, more than twice the cost 
of the thirty-eight States of the Union; yet Mr. Garfield and 
other Republican officials seek more jurisdiction, more cost, more 
taxation under the shadowy phrase of Nationalism. They ask 
tliat they shall be entrusted with more power, more i>atronage, 
and the distribution of larger sums of money drawn from the 
people in une(pial proportions and by expensive metliods. 

NATIONALISE! AVILL MAKE OUR GOVERNMENT WEAK, 
NOT STRONG. 

We find that many fair minded men receive the terms Nation 
and National with favor, because tliey have vague ideas that 
they will give more strength to the General Ciovernment and 
security to our Union. AVc all seek to make our Govermnent 
strong. We all pray tliat our Union may stand forever. But it 
is a fatal error to su]>posc that the strength of a Government 
grows out of the amount and uot the beuelicencc of its power. 



25 

There is truth iu the maxiin that tlic Government is hest ^vhic•]l 
governs least. That Avliicli gives the hxrgest measure of freedom, 
rights of conscience, of ])ersons and of property. Tliat govern- 
ment is tlic most enduring wliich lifts up its citizens into a sense 
of the right and duties of their positions; which trains tliem to 
Avatch and guard the puhlic welfare; wliich makes them bold, 
free and enterprising, and imbues them with the proud feeling 
that government belongs to tliem and not they to government. 
Let us turn our eyes from this system, which thus gives strengtli 
and duration, to the despotisms of the world, where all jurisdic- 
tions are in the hands of monarchs, upheld by all the powers of 
the State, its treasures and its armies. 

The thrones which topple iu civilized Europe are tliose wliicli 
are overloaded by jurisdiction. The monarcli who liolds unlim- 
ited sway over the greatest Empire; who commands vast armies; 
Avho claims control over the lives, liberties and conscience of men, 
is the one who dares not walk the streets of liis capital. lie 
trembles for his life in the recesses of his palace. The dread of 
assassination or revolution does not grow out of personal defects 
of character, but from the principles of government which con- 
stantly bring him in collision with the conscience, the aspirations 
and the interests of liis subjects. In marked contrast witli lliis, 
we find another great Empire that is governed by a woman, wliose 
appearance in the streets of her capital is hailed with acclama- 
tions of loyalty and affection. But her juridiction is divided 
with Parliament, and shielded from prejudice and passion by dis- 
tribution of powers. It is not true that any power given to a 
government, which brings it in conflict Avith any class of the citi- 
zens, or any section of its domain, gives it strengtli. It was on 
account of this truth that our enemies in Euroi)e predicted at llu^ 
outset that our Union could not stand, ])ecause it had to deal 
with territories so broad and interests so varied. It has been the 
marvellous wisdom Avhich distributed jurisdiction between dif- 
ferent local departments, that has carried it safely and triumj)]!- 
antly through the first century of its existence. Our great i.olit- 
icaldutyis to keep it strong, by saving it from the exercise of 
jurisdictions which shall excite hostility towards it. Its strengtli 
must ever lie in the affections of our people. Its duration will 
deitend upon the fact that its actions will be beneficent to all and 
hurtful to none. 



26 
toE POSITIONS OF GARFIELD AND HANCOCK COMPARED. 

I beg our Kepublican friends to look at tlie attitude of Mr. 
Gariickl with regard to the Constitution, and see if it is one that 
shows loyalty to its provisions. It is the bond of our Union. It 
is the charter of our rights and liberties. He has on many occa- 
sions sworn to uphold it. On tlie fourth of March next, he will 
as a Senator from Ohio take a solemn oath to support its pro- 
visions. The Senate was organized to assert and defend the letter 
and its spirit. Does the conduct of Mr. Garfield accord with 
these oatlis ? He avoids the use of tlie titles it gives the Govern- 
ment. These were selected to show its character and object, 
lie uses in a marked way words the framers of the Constitution 
rejected, and shuns those they selected. What could be thought 
of a clergyman who should substitute for the grand, clear tones 
of tlie Bible, vague and unmeaning words which obscure the law 
of Christian life V Yet in this Avay Mr. Garfield treats the law 
Avhicli makes the life of our Union. In view of his efforts to 
change the Constitution, by substituting construction for its lan- 
guage, you doubt if, in his oath of ofiice, he swears for or at the 
Constitution. You wonder what he seeks, which is rebuked by 
the title of "United States," the "Union," the " General Govern- 
ment." What leads him to dwell upon the words " Nation," or 
" Nationalism," m hich are weak, obscure and trivial '? Let us see 
how Mr. Garfield looks at his interest and position. We can give 
his ideas almost in his own Avords when he communes with him- 
self, lie says: "I am to be a S'»nator from Ohio for six years. 
" Hamilton Avas right when he said that Senators should hold for 
" life. I am glad that his opinions groAV in favor. He did not 
" like our Constitution, but said everything depended \ipon the 
" way it was construed. This heavy volume on my table, called 
"the civil list, shows the names of more than seventy thousand 
" men paid from the Treasury. This does not include the soldiers 
" or sailors. ^ I am glad to see ice are gravitati)i<j toward more 
" '■power.'' The Senate, of Avhich I am a member, gives most of 
" these men their jilaces, directly or indirectly. They depend 
" upon confirmation by us of the President's nominations. In 
" vii^w of this fact, he usually sends in the names of those Ave 
" Avant. If he does not, avc throAV them out. Wiiile large nuin- 
" bers of those in the civil list are not acted upon by our bo<ly, 
" yet as a rule they hold under those we confirm, so they all look 



27 

" to us for siipiK)!'!. It' we (•;iii m.-ikc tlu' i-ivil lisl up to ;i ]iim- 
"(Ircd .'iiul fifty tlumsuiid, wi' shall be able to hoM our |il:icc's for 
"life. The thiui^s most in the way arc the words of the C'onsti- 
"tution. I have thought much about them. .loliii t>uiucy 
" Adams once Avrote some poetry in -whifh he put in the uioulh 
" of Mr. Jefferson tlieso lines: 

" ' If we cannot change tlie things, 
I sicear ice'll cJuinge their names, sir.' 

"The troublesome terms in the Constitution ai-e the "United 
" States," the " Union." They tell of States and other rights than 
" those controlled by Congress. I do not like tlie words General 
"Government, as it tells of other Governments and States; there 
" are some terms, such as Xation and National, Avhich those who 
"made the Constitution Avould not have in it. They were kept 
"out by unanimous vote. They are vague and do not show what 
" is meant by their use. I want them for the very reason that led 
" the convention to strike them out. If Ave get our people to use 
" them, they will fall into the habit of looking to other govern- 
"ments than our OAvn for usages and laws. We have got this 
"practice under way. In 1876, all our i)arty in the House of 
" Ilepresentatives voted for a solemn resolution that ours was a 
"sovereign nation. We all Avore grave faces when Ave did this. 
"It taught us as much about our Government, as if to show 
" the prerogatives of the President, Ave had Avith e<iual solemnity 
" declared that he Avas an individual. The Avorld is full of nations. 
"There are many hundreds of them, of all kinds, from the Sand- 
"Avich Islands up to the Kussian Emi)ire. Their habits and 
" usages range from those of the King of Dahomey, Avho kills a 
" few men each day for his health's sake, to those of the Queen of 
" P^ngland, Avho leads the quiet life of a good AA'oman. There is 
" nothing that nations do not do in the Avay of law-making, and 
" no one can define their character as a class. The Avord nation- 
" alism has different meanings to different men. In due time, 
"if we are firmly seated in poAver, we can tell the public Avhat Ave 
"mean by them; our definition will be that we Avant more juris- 
" diction for government; this means more cost for more men to 
"do more duties. The additions thus made to officials Avill give 
" to Senators more poAver, ]»atronage and Avealth. I Avill use these 
"words, nation and national, as often as I can. I Avill strew them 
" through all my speeches and letters. They are iu)\v the shib- 



28 

" boletlis of our party, and of all who have schemes before Con- 
" gress. They soiiiul Avell, and many think they lift us np to a 
"higher rank as a people, to be put in the list of tribes and of 
" barbarous or civilized nations. But ^vc must take cure that the 
" people do not get alarmed at the idea of more cost and more 
" taxes. We have the most to fear from those of the North, for in 
" nine of their great States there are more than half of the people 
" of the nation. But they have only eighteen Senators out of 
" seventy-six. It Avas unfortunate that we told them in debate 
" that these States paid three-quarters of the taxes levied by the 
" Government. We must keep these facts from their minds. 
" We must stir up the old hate of the South, and make them feel 
" that while nationalism will help them, it will hurt them in the 
" Southern section." 

These plain words give you the theories of Mr. Garfield and 
his friends about this election, and their plans ifor the future. 
AVhat they say and do, shows you Avhat they aim at. Will they 
not be wise on the part of the great llepublican i^arty, to learn 
and think who will be the victors and who will be the victims if 
they have their own way in this election? If they do not do this, 
they may fall into the trap set for the jDcople, and theu we all 
shall feel that nationalism is a curse. 

Turn from Mr. Garfiold's letter of acceptance to that of General 
Hancock. He bows to the decrees of the Constitution. He ac- 
cepts its teachings, he is imbued with its faith; its terms to him 
are sacred; his earnestness shines out in every line, and when ho 
swears to support the Constitution in its letter and spirit, we know 
lie means to do so. Those Avho formed it not only chose fitting 
Avords to tell its meaning, but patriotism, like religion, has its 
symbols. No flag which floats in the wind of heaven tells so 
much as ours of the history and character of the Government it 
it represents. Its stripes recall the names of the States Avhich 
fought the battle Avhich gave us liberty, and Avhich croAvned their 
glorious Avork by forming our Union. The States are numbered 
by the stars Avhich glitter upon its blue field. He Avho would 
strike one star from its place, or Avho Avould blend or blur these 
symbols, so that they Avould tell only of obscure nationalism, has 
latent treason in his heart. 

We are asked why we took a soldier for our standard bearer ? 
To Avhom can Ave entrust it Avith more safety than to one Avho has 



20 

had its! (loop and grand significance burnt into his vory hoing hy 
the fires of battle fiekls ? 

There is not a color upon its folds, there is not a stripe upon 
its emblazonry, there is not a star upon its azure ground, that 
has not been made sacred to him. Tlie apjtoal which drew him 
and his fellow soldiers from their homes to the battle field, was 
to rally around the stars and stripes and to uphold the Union. 
They will never make our fiag an unmeaning thing; they will see 
to it that it remains a true emblem of the spirit of the Constitu- 
tion. By the people's vote. General Hancock will bear this stand- 
ard on to victory in this contest, as he has heretofore done on the 
bloody fields of battle. lie has learned from it the grand ])ur- 
poses of the Constitution, by teachings amid all the solemn les- 
sons of war. By the ins})irations of the battle-field, by the sad 
and solemn aspects of the bloodstained earth and the dying groans 
of men when the struggle has ended. He has learned the great 
lessons of statemanship, not amid scenes of party strife, not in 
an atmosphere tarnished by j^ersonal ambition or schemes of plun- 
der, but where Washington and Jackson learned the lesson of 
duty to their country and of obedience to its laAVS and Constitu- 
tion. It is now charged by our opponents that we are inconsist- 
ent when we place a soldier at the head of the Government. 
The propriety of doing this depends upon the character of the 
man and the nature of the service upon which he has been en- 
gaged. The General who has fought only for victory or con- 
quest, or has been engaged only to promote schemes of ambition 
or gratify feelings of hate, has been taught upon the battle-field 
only lessons of force and violence. But those who have dared 
the perils of war to free their country of oppression, to gain for 
it an independent Government, to resist hostile invasions or to 
uphold it against resistance to its rightful authority, have their 
minds filled with objects instructive, ennobling and patriotic. 

With intellects quickened by all the dangers and excitemonts 
of the strife, they see more clearly than other men the value of 
obedience to laws and the duty of sacrificing all things for their 
country's good. It was in this school that Washington learned 
the grand duty of laying down his sword and retiring to private 
life, when the world thought he would claim a crown as his re- 
ward. This act, so constantly referred to in other lands as well 
as our own, gave him his immortality. 



30 

It was in the same school, niiflcr like influences, that in the 
liour of victory Jackson curbed and restrained his fiery spirit and 
sulnnitted to injustice and indignity, because it Avas imposed upon 
him by a legal tribunal. 

It Avas upon the same ground that General Hancock, armed 
with unrestrained militaiy power, animated by the grand and 
patriotic spirit of the illustrious Generals I haA'e named, uttered 
these glorious and patriotic Avords: 

" If called to the Presldeyicy, I should deem it my duty to resist, 
v'ith all my power, any attempt to impair or evade the full Jhrce 
and effect of the Constitution, which, in every article, sectioyi and 
amendment, is the sujyreme law of the land.^^ 

He Avho has learned to obey rightful authorit)^, has been taught 
the great lesson Avhich fits liim to exercise authority. He A\dio 
reverences the laws of his country, is the right man to administer 
them. He wdio has proved his devotion to its interest, is the one 
to Avhom Ave can most safely trust the Avork of guarding and pro- 
tecting them. Therefore, Ave placed liim in nomination, and go 
into this contest Avith the firm faith that avc shall elevate him to 
the position of President of these United States. 



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